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by
Thomas J. DiLorenzo
Certain
neo-conservatives have responded to the publication of my
book, The
Real Lincoln: A New Look at Abraham Lincoln, His Agenda, and
an Unnecessary War, with quite hysterical name
calling, personal smears, and slanderous language. The chief
practitioners of this vulgar means of public discourse are
Alan Keyes and employees of his Washington, D.C. based
"Declaration Foundation."
On
the Foundation’s Web site on Easter Sunday was a very
pleasant, Christian blessing, located right below a reprinting
of Paul Craig Roberts’s March 21 Washington Times
review of my book ("War
on Terrorism a Threat to Liberty?"). In a very
un-Christian manner the Declaration Foundation accuses Roberts
(and myself, indirectly) of "ignorance and calumny."
According to Webster’s College Dictionary
"calumny" means making false and malicious
statements intended to injure a reputation, slander, and
defamation. Let’s see if what Roberts said in his column
fits that definition.
"Lincoln
used war to destroy the U.S. Constitution in order to
establish a powerful central government," says Roberts.
This is certainly a strong statement, but in fact Lincoln
illegally suspended the writ of habeas corpus; launched a
military invasion without consent of Congress; blockaded
Southern ports without declaring war; imprisoned without
warrant or trial some 13,000 Northern citizens who opposed his
policies; arrested dozens of newspaper editors and owners and,
in some cases, had federal soldiers destroy their printing
presses; censored all telegraph communication; nationalized
the railroads; created three new states (Kansas, Nevada, and
West Virginia) without the formal consent of the citizens of
those states, an act that Lincoln’s own attorney general
thought was unconstitutional; ordered Federal troops to
interfere with Northern elections; deported a member of
Congress from Ohio after he criticized Lincoln’s
unconstitutional behavior; confiscated private property;
confiscated firearms in violation of the Second Amendment; and
eviscerated the Ninth and Tenth Amendments.
A
New Orleans man was executed for merely taking down a
U.S. flag; ministers were imprisoned for failing to say a
prayer for Abraham Lincoln, and Fort Lafayette in New York
harbor became known as "The American Bastille" since
it held so many thousands of Northern political prisoners. All
of this was catalogued decades ago in such books as James G.
Randall’s Constitutional
Problems Under Lincoln and Dean Sprague’s Freedom
Under Lincoln.
"This
amazing disregard for the Constitution," wrote historian
Clinton Rossiter," was "considered by nobody as
legal." "One man was the government of the United
States," says Rossiter, who nevertheless believed that
Lincoln was a "great dictator."
Lincoln
used his dictatorial powers, says Roberts, to "suppress
all Northern opposition to his illegal and unconstitutional
acts." This is not even controversial, and is
painstakingly catalogued in the above-mentioned books as well
as in The Real Lincoln. Lincoln’s Secretary of State
William Seward established a secret police force and boasted
to the British Ambassador, Lord Lyons, that he could
"ring a bell" and have a man arrested anywhere in
the Northern states without a warrant.
When
the New York City Journal of Commerce published a list
of over 100 Northern newspapers that opposed the Lincoln
administration, Lincoln ordered the Postmaster General to deny
those papers mail delivery, which is how nearly all newspapers
were delivered at the time. A few of the papers resumed
publication only after promising not to criticize the Lincoln
administration.
Lincoln
"ignored rulings hand-delivered to him by U.S. Supreme
Court Justice Roger Taney ordering Lincoln to respect and
faithfully execute the laws of the United States" says
Roberts. Absolutely true again. Taney – and virtually all
legal scholars at the time – was of the opinion that only
Congress could constitutionally suspend habeas corpus, and had
his opinion hand delivered to Lincoln by courier. Lincoln
ignored it and never even bothered to challenge it in court.
Roberts
also points out in his article that "Lincoln urged his
generals to conduct total war against the Southern civilian
population." Again, this is not even controversial. As
pro-Lincoln historian Steven Oates wrote in the December 1995
issue of Civil War Times, "Lincoln fully endorsed
Sheridan’s burning of the Shenandoah Valley, Sherman’s
brutal March to the Sea through Georgia, and the . . .
destructive raid through Alabama." James McPherson has
written of how Lincoln micromanaged the war effort perhaps as
much as any American president ever has. It is inconceivable,
therefore, that he did not also micromanage the war on
civilians that was waged by his generals.
Lincoln’s
war strategy was called the "Anaconda Plan" because
it sought to strangle the Southern economy by blockading the
ports and controlling the inland waterways, such as the
Mississippi River. It was, in other words, focused on
destroying the civilian economy.
General
Sherman declared on January 31, 1864 that "To the
petulant and persistent secessionists, why, death is
mercy." In a July 31, 1862 letter to his wife he said his
goal was "extermination, not of soldiers alone, that is
the least part of the trouble, but the people." And so he
burned the towns of Randolph, Tennessee, Jackson and Meridian,
Mississippi, and Atlanta to the ground after the
Confederate army had left; bombarded cities occupied only by
civilians in violation of the Geneva Convention of 1863; and
boasted in his memoirs of destroying $100 million in private
property and stealing another $20 million worth. All of this
destroyed food stuffs and left women, children, and the
elderly in the cold of winter without shelter or food.
General
Philip Sheridan did much of the same in the Shenandoah Valley
of Virginia, burning hundreds of houses to the ground and
killing or stealing all livestock and destroying crops long
after the Confederate Army had left the valley, just as winter
was approaching.
"A
new kind of soldier was needed" for this kind of work,
writes Roberts. Here he is referring to my quotation of
pro-Sherman biographer Lee Kennett, who in his biography of
Sherman wrote that "the New York regiments [in
Sherman’s army] were . . . filled with big city criminals
and foreigners fresh from the jails of the Old World."
Lincoln recruited the worst of the worst to serve as pillagers
and plunderers in Sherman’s army.
Lincoln
used the war to "remove the constraints that Southern
senators and congressmen, standing in the Jeffersonian
tradition, placed in the way of centralized federal power,
high tariffs, and subsidies to Northern industries."
Indeed, Lincoln’s 28-year political career prior to becoming
president was devoted almost exclusively to this end. Even
Lincoln idolater Mark Neely, Jr., in The
Fate of Liberty, noted that as early as the 1840s,
Lincoln exhibited a "gruff and belittling
impatience" with constitutional arguments against his
cherished Whig economic agenda of protectionist tariffs,
corporate welfare for the railroad and road building
industries, and a federal government monopolization of the
money supply. Once he was in power, Lincoln appointed himself
"constitutional dictator" and immediately pushed
through this mercantilist economic agenda – an agenda that
had been vetoed by president after president beginning with
Jefferson.
Far
from "saving the Union," writes Roberts, Lincoln
"utterly destroyed the Union achieved by the Founding
Fathers and the U.S. Constitution." The original Union
was a voluntary association of states. By holding it
together at gunpoint Lincoln may have "saved" the
Union in a geographic sense, but he destroyed it in a
philosophical sense.
Paul
Craig Roberts based his column on well-documented facts as
presented in The Real Lincoln. In response to these
facts, in a recent WorldNetDaily column the insufferably
sanctimonious Alan Keyes described people like myself, Paul
Craig Roberts, Walter Williams, Joe Sobran, Charles Adams,
Jeffrey Rogers Hummell, Doug Bandow, Ebony magazine
editor Lerone Bennett, Jr., and other Lincoln critics as
"pseudo-learned scribblers," with an
"incapacity to recognize moral purpose" who display
"uncomprehending pettiness," are
"dishonest," and, once again, his favorite word for
all who disagree with him: "ignorant."
"Ignorant"
and "slanderous" is the precise language one should
use to describe the hysterical rantings and ravings of Alan
Keyes and his minions at the so-called Declaration Foundation.
April
3, 2002
Thomas
J. DiLorenzo [send him mail]
is the author of The
Real Lincoln: A New Look at Abraham Lincoln, His Agenda, and
an Unnecessary War (Forum/Random House 2002) and
professor of economics at Loyola College in Maryland.
Copyright 2002 LewRockwell.com |