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written
by Tim Westphal,
“…And
after the battle of Gettysburg in July 1863, …reported
among the rebel prisoners were seven blacks in Confederate
uniforms fully armed as soldiers…”
-New
York Herald, July 11, 1863. (1)
I.
Introduction
As
far back as the American Revolution, African Americans
have fought in every conflict this country has been engaged
in. A number of
authors have studied the participation which blacks played for
the Union and Confederate governments during the Civil War.
Most of these writers have focused on the Union army
since it employed a large number of blacks as soldiers during
the conflict. “When
authors do cover the Confederate side, they usually limit
their coverage to the free blacks of New Orleans who formed a
regiment of “Native Guards” for the Louisiana militia and
the Confederate effort late in the war to employ slaves as
soldiers” (2). Civil
War historians have not given these blacks their due
recognition, and have left the truth of their involvement for
the Confederacy covered in obscurity and confusion.
As
many as 90,000 blacks, slave and free, were employed in some
capacity by the Confederate army.
The majority of these men fall into two categories, as
military laborers or body servants.
The fact that some Southern blacks might have played an
important role for the South is a very controversial issue.
Scholars have avoided the difficult task of linking any
blacks to the Southern war effort.
One of the main reasons they choose not to attempt this
is because they are afraid of confronting the great paradox
that exists. Why
would any slaves or free blacks work towards a Southern
victory when this war was seen as one to sustain blacks’ enslavement and
degradation? The
point of this paper is to seek out exactly what kind of role
any blacks, free or slave, served in the South during the war
and to examine the reasons why they would support the Southern
war cause.
The
Louisiana Native Guards demonstrate what free blacks, from
Louisiana, thought about the Confederacy.
The Louisiana Native Guards was a militia regiment
comprised of 1400 black men and officers, “who offered their
services to Dixie” in April of 1861 (3).
The following year 3000 black men and officers
organized themselves into the 1st Native Guard of
Louisiana. These
pro-Confederate blacks formed for the protection of New
Orleans. After
parading through the city they were described in the newspaper
as “rebel Negroes…well drilled…and uniformed” (4). Historians argue the Native Guards were a unique
circumstance. The
difference between Louisiana and the rest of the South was its
peculiar tri-racial system.
The state of Louisiana was home to a population, which
was different than the rest of the country’s.
The population consisted of many Spanish and
“Creole” families.
It was easier for Louisiana to accept these men for
military service. For that reason historians like to separate the free
“blacks” in that state from the rest of the free blacks in
the South. Many
other states had blacks volunteer their services, and some
states accepted these volunteers. There were slaves in Alabama who were organized as soldiers
in the fall of 1861. There
were also 60 free blacks in Virginia who formed their own
company and marched to Richmond to volunteer their services to
help in the war effort. “Several companies of free Negroes offered their services
to the Confederacy Government early in the war” (5).
The War Department decided they wouldn’t be needed at
this time so they sent them home.
II.
Body Servants and Laborers
Body
servants consisted of slaves or free blacks.
They were between the ages of sixteen and sixty.
They accompanied both Confederate soldiers and officers
into the war. “Body
servants in a continuation of the master-slave relationship,
tended their wounded soldiers, sometimes escorting their
bodies home and occasionally fought in battles” (6).
The number of body servants in the Confederate army was
considerable in the early days of the war.
The jobs of the body servants varied greatly.
An officer’s servant was expected to keep the
officer’s quarters clean, to wash the clothes, brush
uniforms, polish swords and buckles, and to run errands, such
as going to the commissary and getting rations.
The servant was supposed to look after his master’s
horse, making sure it was well groomed and well fed.
It was the duty of one of these servants to have the
horse ready in the morning by the time the officer was ready
to ride.
Slaves
who came from plantations with their owners were the most
loyal under difficult incidents. “Negroes who had been treated well before the start of the
war were more faithful during the most trying days of the
conflict” (7). In
many cases, soldiers and servants had been childhood
playmates. The
result of this was a genuine affection for each other, which
further cemented during the shared hardships brought on by the
war. “No other
slaves had as good opportunities for desertion and disloyalty
as the body servants, but none were more loyal” (8).
A
personal servant would have been chosen from among the slaves
that had been affiliated with the family for a long time.
For that reason these slaves often felt a
responsibility for the protection of their master when going
into the war. The
owners of body servants respected the devotion and loyalty
displayed by their black servants.
“Owners frequently made provisions for their servants
freedom, and after the war blacks dressed in “Confederate
Gray” were among the most honored veterans in attendance at
soldiers reunions” (9).
Blacks
fought because they were loyal to their masters. From a servant’s perspective their life as a body servant
was less burdensome than field slavery.
Slavery was an oppressive institution and the war
offered them previously denied options.
Unlike the plantation in camp the Confederate servants
had ample time to hang out with other blacks.
Black soldiers (servants) ate the same food as the
officers did. These
servants were the best-fed soldiers in the Confederate army.
They could also play cards and when given the chance
they would sneak away with other blacks to some obscure
location and play dice. Servants
were able to obtain whiskey, either from their master or on
one of their foraging missions.
“Servants had opportunities to earn money on the side
from any number of way” (10).
They were allowed to charge small amounts for washing
clothes for men in their company.
They made money for running errands and sold what they
were able to pick up off the battlefield.
Making money was just one reason blacks would sign up
to work for the Confederacy.
Black
servants, many who were excellent musicians and good singers,
kept the soldiers spirits up in camp.
“When life became sad or monotonous for Jeb
Stuart’s officers, they frequently built a roaring fire,
formed a large circle, and had the servants dance and sing to
the music of the banjo” (11).
Soldiers who had come from plantations knew about their
slaves musical talents—a fact, which might explain why a few
body servants were called on to, be musicians for the units to
which their masters belonged.
Blackbody
servants fought in battles for the Confederacy. A newspaper correspondent from the New Orleans Daily
Crescent, reporting on one of the early battles of the war
stated a servant named Levin Graham refused to stay in camp
during a fight, “but obtained a musket, fought manfully, and
killed four of the Yankees himself” (12).
Furthermore “Captain George Baylor told the story of
two body servants who had supplied themselves with equipment
left on the field by Federals at the battle of Brandy Station.
These two servants joined in the company charges and
succeeded in capturing a Yankee and brought him back to camp
as a prisoner” (13).
Robin,
a black servant with the Stonewall Brigade, demonstrates black
patriotism. According
to the newspaper the Richmond Whig, he was imprisoned
for a time away from his master and then offered his freedom
on the condition he take an oath and swear allegiance to the
United States. Robin
stated, in the Richmond Whig, “I will never disgrace my
family by such an oath” (14).
After the siege of Vicksburg there were servants who
were captured along with their masters who could have had
their freedom. But
instead of their freedom they chose to share in the cruelties
of the northern prisons with which they had been serving in
the Confederate army.
Free
blacks voluntarily became body servants for wages and whatever
other advantages they might negotiate.
Self-preservation was the paramount objective for the
free blacks who offered their services as servants.
Free blacks in the South knew there was a difference
between them and the slave population, they saw this as a way
to separate themselves even further from the slave class.
“Being a body servant enabled individual
“Afro-Confederate” males to embellish their Confederate
allegiance by publicly integrating themselves with
Confederates” (15). The free blacks stood ready to imitate the white class in its
patriotism and loyalty, believing this was a way to attain
priviligese previously denied to them and to prove they were
superior over the slaves.
Unlike
the life of a body servant the experience for black laborers
working on Confederate defenses was excessively harsh and
physically exhausting. Especially
during the winter months, when they were fighting with
constant exposure while building batteries or earthworks.
“The tedious work of digging, shoveling, and heaving
earth, as well as the erection of massive embankments demanded
tremendous physical stamina” (16).
The
principal object of the defensive works was to protect
Confederate troops from enemy fire and to allow the
Confederate soldiers to deliver their own fire with
devastating consequences
“Union
soldiers…sallied up to Rebel breastwork that
were often impregnable.
They began to complain,
finding the Negro with his pick and spade, a greater hindrance
to their progress than the Rebel’s cannon balls” (17).
Therefore to triumphantly repulse Union attacks the
army needed satisfactorily constructed entrenchments.
The blacks’ brawn and skill were key elements of
Confederate transportation and fortification.
That is why in summer of 1861 “Negro labor, under
supervision of state engineers, was immediately committed to
the construction of defensive lines” (18).
Whether free or slave the blacks that worked as
laborers contributed a supporting effort to the war.
In the South during the years between 1861-1865, there
was a constant construction of defensive works designed to
repulse attacks by Federal armies.
“Without the aid of the Negro the South never would
have been able to last four years in the war” (19).
While
the overwhelming majority of black laborers were common
laborers there were some highly skilled craftsmen.
The conventional laborer provided manpower in the
foraging of food, and raw materials such as coal, iron and
timber. “Black
artisans provided their skills in subsequent stages of
refinement and processing of commodities into manufactured
items in arsenals, armories, iron works, and machine shops”
(20).
James
Brewer described the five methods used for obtaining black
labor: “slaves were offered by their masters without request
for compensation; free Negroes volunteered their services;
Negroes, free and slave, were hired by the Engineer Bureau;
labor was impressed by commanding officers because of the
exigencies of war; and conscription laws were passed by
Confederate congress” (21).
The Confederate government had to rely on conscription
laws for the last two years of the war because: the blacks,
slave and free knew about the changes of the war (that it had
become one to free them from bondage); and 2) the owners
didn’t want to give up their slaves, due to the hard work
that the laborers had to sustain.
III.
Loyalty and Patriotism
Black Confederate loyalty was pervasive and real.
American historians failed to recognize this loyalty.
“By the summer of 1861 Southern blacks who supported
and allied themselves with the Confederacy were looking to
volunteer” (22). Despite
the Confederate government’s refusal to admit blacks in the
army, six Southern states did so otherwise, mostly consisting
of state militias. Eyewitness
accounts by officers in the Federal army offer some evidence
of African American participation on the battlefields for the
South. Records show that New York officers on patrol reported they
were attacked near New Market, Virginia, by Confederate
cavalry and a group of 700-armed blacks on December 22, 1861.
The Northerners killed six of the blacks before
retreating; officers later swore out affidavits that they were
attacked by blacks and later complained:
“If they fight with Negroes, why should we not fight
with them too?” (23)
Alfred
Bellard, a white soldier of the 5th NJ Infantry,
reported in his memoirs the shooting of two black Confederate
snipers by member’s of the Berdan’s Sharpshooters in April
of 1862.
“One of the Negro Confederates was only wounded, but
the other
was
killed one afternoon after leaving the security of a hollow
tree (probably to relieve himself).
Two Confederates tried
to get to his body but were driven away by the Union gunfire”
(24).
This wasn’t an isolated case.
One of the best marksmen in the Confederacy was an
African-American who outfitted himself in a sniper’s roost in an almost
perfect hiding spot inside a brick chimney from which he
proceeded to shoot Yankees at their nearby camp.
Any Union soldier who dared to come into his range was
fired at. Several
times the Federalize called up to the sniper to desert, but
the black Confederate ignored their appeals.
This ordeal ended when a regiment was marched off to
fire a volley at the chimney, eventually putting a bullet
through the sniper’s head.
Serving
in a military capacity wasn’t the only way blacks could
prove their loyalty to the Confederacy.
Black patriotism took many forms, “some were
sincerely patriotic, others were alarmed individuals acting on
self-preservation and economic interest” (25).
There are other prominent cases of black patriotism
among slaves and free men.
Many of these people saw their cause as protecting
their homes. “Despite
the hardships of slavery loyal blacks made financial and
material contributions to the Confederacy” (26). In Alabama some slaves brought 60 dollars worth of
watermelons to Montgomery to be donated to the soldiers of
that state. A
South Carolina slave was impelled to donate all the money here
had saved, which ended up being 5 dollars.
Some slaves used their talents to raise money for the
Confederacy.
The Confederate Ethiopian Serenaders were one such
group. They were a collection of slave singers “who turned over profits from some of their shows to the
Confederate cause” (27).
By doing this, these slaves hoped the restrictions they
lived under I the institution of slavery would be loosened.
It became a custom for slaves to demonstrate their
loyalty by holding balls and concerts to raise money for the
aiding of Southern soldiers and their families.
The
1st Battle of Manassas offered black Confederate
the chance to prove their loyalty.
An English officer, Arthur Freemantle, describes the
story of a slave who had run away to the Federal line just
before the battle began.
The slave was recaptured a short time after the battle
ended. “Two patriotic servants were of the opinion that he should
be shot or hanged as a traitor “ (28).
He was then turned over to these slaves and met a more
severe death than any white man could have given him.
These slaves did this out of patriotism and these
servants probably also felt threatened by a runaway slave.
They knew that a runaway was a threat to their freedom
as servants and soldiers.
They wanted to show the white soldiers in the army that
they weren’t anything like this runaway.
They achieved that goal by violently killing him.
IV.
Why were blacks loyal?
The motivation of black Confederates was to protect
their homeland with a faith of what the future could be.
By 1860 there were 500,000 free blacks in the United
States, the vast majority in the South. Slaves knew freedom was attainable from the sight of free
blacks in their communities.
They knew some has been freed through manumission,
while others purchased their freedom by working side jobs.
Blacks Confederates and African Americans had to
position themselves in case the South won the ear.
They had to prove they were patriots in the
anticipation their future would be better.
From this risk of their display of unequivocal
patriotism they hoped to be rewarded. Most black Confederates were not given an opportunity to
serve in the front line as soldiers.
But they did what they could as loyal civilians.
Why
would blacks support, and possibly want to fight for, the
Confederacy? One
is money. The pay
rate for the laborers was greater than that of the white
soldier’s pay rate. The
black laborers were paid 30 dollars a month while the
Confederate soldiers made only 11 dollars.
By volunteering their service to the South these blacks
earned enough money for themselves and their families back
home. Blacks,
both free and slave, were able to make more money by trading
whiskey, food, horses and other possessions they might steal
through their foraging missions. There is a story of a servant who was captured by the
Yankees, stole two horses, and got back to his Confederate
line. When he got
back he sold one horse for fifty dollars and kept the other
one for himself.
“The
quest for freedom also played a great role in black
Confederate decisions” (29). With good service to the master or to the Southern cause,
there was the hope of being manumitted after the war. Slaves also knew the army life offered them a chance for
adventure and an opportunity to get away from the drudgery of
plantation work. Like
many of the white men who volunteered and fought in the war
because of strong regional pride, the local attachment blacks
felt prompted them to come to the aide of the Confederacy.
Blacks
placed their lives in danger for a country and its cause; a
cause which many Americans would not expect blacks to support.
Slaves and free blacks joined for different reasons.
The Louisiana free blacks stated in a letter written to
the New Orleans’ Daily Delta:
“The
free colored population love their home, their property, their own slaves and recognize no other
country than
Louisiana, and are ready to shed their blood for her defense.
They have no sympathy for Abolitionism; no love for the
North, but they have plenty for Louisiana.”
Prosperous
free blacks realized that a Union victory would bring about
destruction to their economy, the basis of their livelihood,
which gave them their special status.
“Free blacks knew where their loyalties lay when the
war started because they stood to lose the status they enjoyed
as free people” (30). Any
well-to-do freeman probably prized his wealth and standing,
and deplored anyone who would endanger it.
The slaves who felt compelled to volunteer for the
South did so because they hoped it would improve their status
after the war. They
knew if the North won they would probably be freed, but if the
South won, they would have to show support during the war if
they had hopes of being freed.
V.
The Debate:
Black Soldiers
During the war the Confederacy’s question of making a
soldier out of the black, slave and free, received
considerable attention. In
the beginning of the war many of the Southern states made
provisions for placing blacks at the disposal of the state
governments. “The
Tennessee legislature passed an act in June, 1861, authorizing
the governor, at his discretion to receive into the military
service of the State all male free persons of color, between
the ages of fifteen and fifty, or such numbers as may be
necessary who may be capable of actual service” (31).
The governor was also authorized to press free blacks
into services if a sufficient number was not met.
Early
in the year there began in the Southern armies a discussion of
enlisting slaves as soldiers.
Lt. General Hardee called their corps and division
commanders, of the Western Campaign, to meet at General
Johnston’s Headquarters on the night of January 2, 1863.
There they were presented with a plan by Major General
Pat Cleburne, who was urging the enlistment and arming of the
slaves, with freedom as a reward for their service.
After President Davis received a copy of this
memorandum he replied, “deeming it to be injurious of the
public service that such subject should be mooted or even
known to entertain by persons possessed of confidence and
respect of the people. If
it be kept out of the public journal its ill effect will be
much lessened” (32).
Perhaps
the most effective argument against putting the slaves in the
ranks was that it laid the South open to charges of hypocrisy.
It was known that slavery was one of the basic
principles of the Confederacy.
“The primary justification for slavery had been that
it was in the interest of both blacks and whites because of
the blacks inferiority and incapability to care for
themselves” (33). To
arm the slaves in the Confederacy would be a reversal on its
position completely. If
the salves were freed by the Confederate Government-and it was
agreed that arming the slaves would probably entail freeing
them-then another basic principle of the Confederacy was
disregarded. One
of the main reasons for secession was their firm belief in
states rights over that of a central government.
If the Confederate government stepped in and freed the
slaves for faithful service, instead of individual states,
than it would be guilty of breaking their constitutional
rights.
By
the summer of 1863 the victories had begun to shift to the
northern armies. Within
one week the Confederacy suffered devastating defeats at
Vicksburg and Gettysburg.
The momentum of war was being sung into the Unions
direction. Hood’s crushing defeat in Tennessee, Sherman’s
destructive march through Georgia, and the threatened collapse
of the whole military effort left the Confederacy in need of
reinforcements. The
Southern armies were being depleted. “There were ‘exceptions’, the ‘detailed men’, the
numerous state militias and there were the slaves.
Before Christmas of 1864 was over, President Davis had
come to the opinion that arming the salves was a good idea”
(34).
Meanwhile,
William Smith, the Governor of Virginia, took up the subject
with his legislators suggesting that Virginia should arm its
slaves for its defense by offering freedom as slaves’
reward. “With
two hundred thousand Negro soldiers already in the Union army,
the Governor asked, “can we hesitate, can we doubt, when the
question is, whether the enemy shall use our slaves against us
or we use them against him (the North); when the question may
be between liberty and independence o one hand or our own
subjugation and utter ruin on the other?” (35)
The
majority of those who advocated enlisting the slaves were of
the opinion that such a step would mean giving them their
freedom. This was
met with great opposition.
Though this should not have been a deterring factor.
Given that “slavery was already an expiring condition
in the South; that emancipation was already an accomplished
fact if the Federalize succeeded; that the situation was such
that a choice had to be made between the loss of independence
and the loss of property in slaves; that it was far better for
the Southerner to give up the Negro slave than be a slave
himself” (36).
The
matter immediately became the foremost topic of discussion in
the whole South by the fall of 1864.
General Lee was asked for his view and on January 11,
1865 he spoke out clearly for the arming of slaves-which he
believed should be accompanied by a gradual and general
emancipation.
“It is the enemy’s avowed policy to convert the
able-bodied men among them into soldiers, and to
emancipate all. His
progress will destroy slavery in
a manner
most pernicious to the welfare of our
people…Whatever
maybe the effect of our employing Negro troops, it cannot be
as mischievous as this…I think,
therefore,
we must decide whether slavery shall be
extinguished
by our enemies and the slaves used against
us,
or use them ourselves at the risk of the effects which
may be produced upon our social institutions…”
“…The best means of securing the efficiency and
fidelity
of this auxiliary force would be to accompany the
measure
with a well digested plan of gradual and general
emancipation.
As that
will be the result of the continuance of this war,
and will certainly occur if the enemy succeeds,it seems
to
be most advisable to adopt at once.
Every day’s delay
increases the difficulty” (37).
Finally, a little more than a month before the war
ended, the Confederates began to enlist blacks as soldiers in
the army. “Steps were immediately
taken toward recruiting and organizing the slaves and free
blacks” (38). It was too late; the South had waited too long to enlist
blacks into their army. When
the war broke out many blacks, slave and free, wanted to
position themselves with the winning side to better position
themselves after the war. In the winter of 1864-65 it was evident that the South was
going to lose the war. That
is why recruiting the blacks was so difficult.
If the Confederate Government had acted on the initial
enthusiasm displayed by blacks then things probably would have
been different in 1865.
VI.
Blacks’
contribution to the Southern War effort
It is often forgotten that while slavery was among the
major causes of the Civil War, its abolition was not the
original goal of the North.
President Lincoln sated he didn’t want to interfere
with slavery in the states where it already existed.
Many Federal soldiers felt the same way, proclaiming if
the war was one turned into a fight for abolitionism they
would stop fighting. Faced
with this attitude from the North black Southerners had no
reason but to be loyal to their homes.
“The slaves had nothing to gain form a Union victory,
and free black men might actually stand to lose such rights
and property they already had” (39).
Thus
instead of revolts among the blacks, slaves and free, as many
Northerners predicted, some became possessed with a war fervor
that was stimulated by the white response.
“The Negro who boasted of his desire to fight the
Yankees the loudest; who showed the greatest anxiety to aid
the Confederates, was granted the most freedom and received
the approval of his community” (40).
The
readiness with which some blacks responded should only be
surprising to those who are unfamiliar with the true feelings
of slaves. Their
only hope was to someday be free.
“One thing that impressed the blacks greatly was the
failure of Denmark Vesey, Nat Turner, and John Brown, whose e
fate was held up to them as the fate of all who tried to free
the slaves or free themselves” (41).
Therefore it should not be surprising to see blacks
that sprang at the chance to dig trenches and assist in any
way possible for the South.
To
better comprehend these people we should understand that most
people do things for immediate reasons and not abstract ones.
Instead of revolts among the blacks, slave and free, as
predicted by some, many became possessed of a fervor
–originating in fear-which was stimulated by an enthusiasm
of the white population.
“The gaily decked cities; the flags, bunting and
streamers of all colors; the mounted cavalry; the artillery
trains with brazen cannons drawn by sturdy steeds; followed by
regiments of infantry in brilliant uniforms, with burnished
muskets, glittering bayonets and beautiful plumes; all these
scenes greatly interested and delighted the Negro, and it was
filling the cup of many with ecstasy to the brim, to be
allowed to connect themselves, even in the most menial way,
with the demonstrations” (42).
Blacks saw first hand what was going on.
They knew they had an opportunity to better themselves,
which was all many of them really wanted.
When the war broke out everybody thought it was going
to be over quickly. Slaves and free blacks knew this too, which is why many of
them displayed an enthusiasm that was gone by 1863, when the
South began to lose the war.
Endnotes
1.
New
York Herald, July 11, 1863.
2.
Bell
Wiley, Southern Negroes, p. 247.
3.
Ervin
Jordan, Black Confederates and Afro-Yankees, p. 218.
4.
New
Orleans Daily Delta, from Walter Williams article.
5.
Wiley,
p. 148.
6.
Jordan,
p. 185.
7.
Wiley,
p. 66.
8.
Wiley,
p. 64.
9.
Wiley,
p. 144.
10.
Wiley,
p. 137.
11.
Wiley,
p. 138.
12.
New
Orleans Daily Crescent, from Jordan’s Black Confederates.
13.
Wiley,
p. 139.
14.
Richmond
Whig, from Jordan’s Black Confederates.
15.
Jordan,
p. 186.
16.
James
Brewer, the Confederate Negro, p. 135.
17.
Joseph
Wilson, The Black Phalanx, p. 103.
18.
Brewer,
p. 132.
19.
Wilson,
p. 460.
20.
Brewer,
p. 165.
21.
Brewer,
p. 140.
22.
Jordan,
p. 222.
23.
Jordan,
p. 217.
24.
Alfred
Bellard, Gone for a Soldier, p. 56
25.
Jordan,
p. 235.
26.
J.K.
Obatala, “The unlikely story of blacks who were loyal to
Dixie”, p. 94.
27.
Obatala,
p. 96.
28.
Jordan,
p. 236.
29.
Obatala,
p. 100.
30.
Author
Bergeron, Free men of color in grey, p. 254.
31.
Wiley,
p. 147.
32.
Robert
Henry, The story of the Confederacy, p. 380.
33.
Wilson,
p. 485.
34.
Henry,
p. 382.
35.
Henry,
p. 388.
36.
Wiley,
p. 153.
37.
Henry,
p. 440.
38.
Wilson,
p. 487.
39.
Bergeron,
p. 249.
40.
Wilson,
p. 483.
41.
Wilson,
p. 484.
42.
Wilson,
p. 484-85.
Bibliography:
Bellard,
Alfred, Gone for a Soldier:
The Civil War Memoirs of Private Alfred Bellard.
Boston, 1975.
Bergeron,
Arthur. “Free
Men of Color in Grey”.
Civil War History.
32, 1986: 247-255.
Brewer,
James. Confederate
Negro: Virginia’s Craftsmen and Military Laborers. Duke,
1969.
Henry,
Robert. The Story
of the Confederacy. New
York, 1911.
Jordan,
Ervin L. Blacks
Confederates and Afro-Yankees in Civil War Virginia.
University of Virginia, 1995.
Obatala,
J.K. “The
Unlikely Story of Blacks Who Were Loyal to Dixie”.
Smithsonian, March 1979:
94-101.
Wiley,
Bell. Southern
Negroes; 1861-1865. Yale,
1938.
Wilson, Joseph T.
The Black Phalanx: A History of the Negro Soldiers of
the United States. Springfield,
Massachusetts, 1887. |
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