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Over
the past few years, Mr. Morris Dees, operating under the
auspices of the Southern Poverty Law Center, has made a career
out of suing people, such as Ku Klux Klansmen, for alleged
violations of civil rights and public morals.
In recent years, Mr. Dees has pushed his attacks farther
and farther afield in an attempt to generate an ever-expanding
group of defendants for his business. To that end, he
has now edged his lawsuit machine towards legitimate Southern
heritage groups, and Mr. Dees has now begun to launch verbal
attacks at respectable groups such as the Sons of Confederate
Veterans and the United Daughters of the Confederacy.
During this time, the SCV and UDC have generally ignored
Mr. Dees and his associates, choosing rather to focus on the
more vocal and visible opponents of Southern heritage.
But now, Mr. Dees' attacks have become so vociferous and
determined that we can no longer do so.
Along with this letter is a catalog of Mr. Dees' history
which we believe demonstrates that his guiding purpose is to
raise funds through lawsuits, intimidation, and harassment.
We can no longer stand by and tolerate these attacks on
ourselves and other legitimate heritage groups.
When the symbols of the South and good name of the
Confederate soldier have been attacked we have always stood
ready to rise to their defense. Now, Mr. Dees has chosen
to attack not just the symbols of the South, but those of us
who have dared to challenge the political arguments which he
and his ilk have aimed at the history and culture of the
South.
It is our intention to oppose Mr. Dees, and to resist
his attacks, in every forum, and with every resource available
to us. Hopefully, once the facts surrounding Mr. Dees
and his operation are exposed, the American people will be
able to judge more sincerely the motives of the parties
engaged on this issue.
Signed (in alphabetical order):
- Steve Blankenship, Past Commander, Egbert A. Ross Camp #1423
, NC Division, SCV
- Russell E. Darden, Commander, Army of Northern Virginia
Department, SCV
- H.K. Edgerton, Honorary Life Member of the Texas Division,
SCV
- Paul C. Gramling, Jr., Commander, Army of Trans-Mississippi
Department, SCV
- Patrick J. Griffin, III, Past Commander-in-Chief, SCV
- Dr. Patrick J. Hardy, Adjutant-in-Chief, SCV
- Robert Y. Howlett, Commander, Hupp-Deyerle-McCausland
Chapter #237, VA Society, MOS&B
- P. Charles Lunsford, Past Chief of Heritage Defense, SCV
- Kirk D. Lyons, Executive Committeeman, Army of Northern
Virginia Department, SCV
- Roger W. McCredie, Past Chief of Heritage Defense, SCV
- Robert McNabb, Past Commander, Stuart's Horse Artillery Camp
#1784, VA Division, SCV
- Dr. Neill H. Payne, Commander, Isaac Newton Giffen Camp
#758, NC Division, SCV
- Jim Pierce, Commander, Col. Samuel McDowell Tate Camp #836,
NC Division, SCV
- Benjamin M. Rogers, 1st Lt. Commander, North Carolina
Society, MOS&B
- Tim Steadman, Communications Officer, Alabama Division, SCV
- Christopher M. Sullivan, Past Army of Northern Virginia
Executive Committeeman, Past Commander SC Division, SCV
- Allen Sullivant, Lieutenant Commander, Tennessee Division,
SCV
- Fred D. Taylor, Asst. Chief-of-Staff, Army of Northern
Virginia Department, SCV
- James K. Turner, Quartermaster-in-Chief, & Past
Commander, Army of
Tennessee Department, SCV
- Bruce Tyson, Commander, Fayetteville Arsenal Camp #168, NC
Division, SCV
- John Weaver, Chaplain-in-Chief, SCV
- R.G. Wilson, Past. Lt. Commander-in-Chief, SCV
FACT SHEET ON MORRIS DEES and the SOUTHERN POVERTY LAW
CENTER
Morris Dees and the Southern Poverty Law Center are much in
the news as a source of information on Southern Heritage
groups and personalities. In many cases the information is
treated as if it is from an unbiased source. In order to
assist the public and the media to understand the lack of
credibility, lack of character, the very real bias and left of
center agenda
of Morris Dees and the Southern Poverty Law Center, the
following is submitted:
Full name: Morris Seligman Dees, Jr.
Born: December 16, 1936 in Shorter, Macon County, Alabama
Graduated from Sidney Lanier High School in Montgomery,
Alabama in 1955
Received B.A. & J.D. Law degree (1960) from University of
Alabama
In an article titled "Poverty Palace" Morris Dees
told journalist John Edgerton that ".I had a traditional
white Southerner's feeling for segregation." (The
Progressive, July 1988 - Edgerton, John. "Poverty
Palace, How the SPLC Got Rich Fighting the Klan")
Dees made a fortune selling cookbooks by mail in partnership
with Millard Fuller (who later founded Habitat for Humanity).
(Fuller, Millard. Bokotola. New Century Press: 1977)
Fuller has this to say about his 8 year association with Dees:
Dees and Fuller formed the law firm of Dees & Fuller in
Montgomery, Alabama in 1960.
"Morris Dees and I, from the first day of our
partnership, shared one overriding purpose: to make a pile of
money. We were not particular about how we did it; we just
wanted to be independently rich. During the eight years we
worked together we never wavered in that resolve."
"But everything has a price. And I paid for our success
in several ways. One price I paid was estrangement from the
church."
Dees served in 1958 as state campaign manager for
segregationist attorney general candidate McDonald Gallion and
also worked for George C. Wallace. Fuller stated: "We
wanted to be sure of having friends in high places."
In 1961 when Freedom Riders were beaten by a white mob at a
Montgomery bus station, Dees (and Fuller) expressed openly his
sympathies and support for what had happened at the bus
station.
When one of the men charged with beating the Freedom Riders
came to their office for legal representation, Dees and Fuller
took the case. The legal fee was paid by the Ku Klux Klan and
the White Citizen's Council. (Fuller, Millard.
Love in the Mortar Joints. New Century Press: 1980 and
The Progressive, July 1988)
Dees founded the Southern Poverty Law Center in 1971 with
Joseph Levin (who left the SPLC in 1976) and Julian Bond
(resigned late 1970's). (Articles of Incorporation.
Southern Poverty Law Center, Inc.)
Acted as Chief fundraiser for George McGovern's 1972
presidential campaign in return for the campaign's mailing
list. Raised $20 million for McGovern. (Burlington Times, July
30, 1975. The Progressive, July 1988.)
Arrested and removed from court in 1975 for attempting to
suborn perjury (bribing a witness) in the Joan Little murder
trial in North Carolina. Little, a black convict, was accused
of killing a prison guard with an ice-pick . The felony charge
against Dees was subsequently dropped, but the
presiding judge, Hamilton Hobgood, refused to re-admit Dees to
the case. The refusal was upheld on appeal after the Supreme
Court of the United States refused to hear Dees appeal.
(Ibid.)
"The great untold story of the JoAnn Little trial was the
role of the Communist Party, through its National Alliance
Against Racist and Political Repression, in controlling the
entire political movement surrounding the case. Angela Davis,
a leading figure in both organizations became the most
frequently quoted movement figure and constant companion of
JoAnn Little...Party members were visible and influential on
the defense committee, and the party frequently set up rallies
of support around the country." (Columbia
Journalism Review. Pirsky, Mark. March/April,
1976.)
Fund-raised for Jimmy Carter in 1976 hoping to be named
Attorney-General, but was unenthused by the campaign for its
middle of the road appeal " You' ve got to have a
candidate who is way out on the extremes!" (The
Progressive, July 1988.)
Acted as a fundraiser for both Ted Kennedy's 1980 and Gary
Hart's 1984 presidential campaigns and received their mailing
lists as reward. (Ibid.)
Perhaps explaining the SPLC's "Gay" rights activism,
Dees was cited in 1979 by his ex-wife with a homosexual
encounter during their marriage. She also cited numerous
affairs with women including his daughter-in-law and underage
stepdaughter. (Alabama Court of Civil Appeals CIV 2114,
1979)
-The SPLC's fundraising practices have provoked the
disapproval of watchdog groups that monitor charities: In
1993, the American Institute of Philanthropy assigned the SPLC
a "D" grade on a scale of A to F. (American
Institute of Philanthropy xxxx 1993 Charity Watchdog Report)
"By frequently mailing out such persuasive appeals, Dees
and his associates have drawn financial support from about
half a million Americans (by 1988).
The number of contributors and the amount they have
given are probably greater than any left-of-center group has
recorded in a comparable period in the history of American
philanthropy." (The Progressive, July 1988.)
Randall Williams who formed Klanwatch in 1981 as part of the
SPLC's said in 1988: "We were sharing information with
the FBI, the police, undercover agents. Instead of defending
clients and victims we were more of a super snoop outfit, an
arm of law enforcement. Randall and four staff attorney's
resigned from the Center in 1986. (Ibid.)
In 1994 the Montgomery Advertiser won a journalism award for a
series of incisive and penetrating investigative articles
exposing the unethical fundraising practices of Dees and the
Southern Poverty Law Center including:
Since August 1, 1984, the Law Center has taken in about $62
million in contributions and yet only spent about $21 million
on actual programs, according to federal tax records.
-In a series of fund-raising letters the Law Center implied it
forced the United Klan's of American to pay $7 million to the
mother of lynching victim Michael Donald in 1987. Beulah Mae
Donald actually received only $51,874.70 from the Klansmen.
The Law Center collected millions as the result of
fund-raising letters about the case.
-The Montgomery Advertiser conducted a "random sampling
of donors—people who receive a steady stream of fund-raising
letters and newsletters—showed they had no idea the Law
Center was so wealthy."
"They're drowning in their own affluence," Pamela
Summers, a former SPLC legal fellow told The Montgomery
Advertiser. "What they are doing in the legal department
is not done for the best interest of everybody [but] is done
as though the sole, overriding goal is to make
money.""I think people associate the SPLC with.going
to court. And that's why they get the money. And they don't go
to court." There have only been a handful of court cases
over the years, many of which remain unresolved.
The SPLC which has crusaded for the rights of blacks for 23
years, is controlled by whites. It has hired only two black
staff attorneys in its history, both of whom left unhappy. 12
of 13 former Black employees interviewed by the Montgomery
Advertiser complained they experienced or
observed racial problems during their employment. Several said
the SPLC was "more like a plantation."
(Montgomery Advertiser. Feb. 13-14, 1994.)
In 1986 the entire SPLC legal staff resigned in protest of
Dees refusal to address issues such as poverty, homelessness,
voter registration and other issues they considered more
pertinent to poor minorities rather than to get rich fighting
a Klan chimera. (Harpers Magazine. Silverstein,
Ken. "The Church of Morris Dees."
November 2000.)
The Birmingham News has also investigated Dees and the SPLC in
1994 and found the following:
-Christine Lee, a Harvard Law School alumnus who interned at
the Center in 1989, "I would definitely say that there
was not a single black employee with whom I spoke who was
happy to be working there." "As I was told (at the
SPLC), they don't need Black people telling them how to handle
Black issues," Lee said.
-Dees responded by saying, "We don't have black slots and
white slots. Probably the most discriminated people in
American today are white men when it comes to jobs because
there are more of those who had more education opportunities
and who the test scores show are scoring better and on paper
look more qualified. That's why you have so many reverse
discrimination
cases around." (Birmingham News. Feb. 17,
1994.)
The USA Today reported in 1996 that Dees' Southern Poverty Law
Center was the "nations richest civil rights
organization" with $68 million in assets. (USA Today.
Aug. 3, 1996) Today it is closer to its stated goal of a
$100 million endowment.
In the same article Stephen Bright, one of Dees numerous
former associates told a reporter that Dees is "a fraud
who has milked a lot of very wonderful, well intentioned
people." (Ibid.)
-At a news conference in Washington in April 1996, Dees
announced that "Those [black] churches that have been
burned in the South were certainly burned by racists."
After subsequent investigation revealed there was no rash of
black church burnings, many newspapers, including The
Charlotte Observer, concluded that Dees
"misinformed" the press. (Charlotte Observer.
October 10, 1996.)
Dees has actively campaigned for for laws in which
"associations of two or more persons" who train in
the use of firearms for defensive purposes are declared
"illegal militias." (Selected Speeches and
Writings of Morris Dees.)
Dees is well known for putting "Hate on Trial" in
the 1990 Portland. Oregon civil trial of extremist Tom
Metzger. One of the witnesses in that trial, Greg Withrow, now
accuses Dees of suborning perjury by paying witnesses (and
then hush money for another 5 years) for their testimony.
(San Diego Times Union. August 25, 2002.)
Dees & the SPLC defames the entire Southern Heritage
Community by labeling them "Neo-Confederates."
(SPLC Intelligence Update. Summer 2000)
Dees assaulted an elderly journalist at a symposium sponsored
by the University of West Florida, Pensacola, Florida on
January 12, 2002. The journalist had asked Dees a "bad
question." Dees then had the journalist physically hauled
out of the building by two policemen. (The First
Freedom. February, 2002.) |
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